Published by AstroAwani, image by AstroAwani.
Some quarters – the-now Pakatan Harapan (PH) sceptics who’re mainly from the “liberal intelligentsia” and purportedly representing urban Malaysia – are insisting that the result of the Sungai Bakap by-election on July 6 serves only to confirm and validate their on-going criticism and cynicism at the MADANI Government.
The Sungai Bakap by-election saw Perikatan Nasional (PN)’s majority “increased” whilst PH’s vote share “dropped” (with the low turnout of the non-Malay voters) compared to previously. As political scientist and electoral analyst Professor Dr Bridget Welsh has pointed out, the voting trend meant that PN has locked-in its electoral support in Penang, seen as an integral part of the (geographically contiguous) “northern green wave”.
At the same time, non-Malay urbanites are becoming more disenchanted with the MADANI Government due to the perceived shift towards Islamisation and the pandering to religious conservatism (as distinct and separate from extremism – the difference between religious orthodoxy versus ideological fundamentalism) which has been on the rise and ascendant for decades in the country.
However, the continuing opprobrium of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim by the intelligentsia-urbanite “nexus” which represents a “core” of the PH support is grossly misplaced.
As PN has firmly secured its hold on the green wave votes, any shift to what the liberal metropolitan urbanites perceive as the “centre” can only result in further erosion of Malay-Muslim support for the MADANI Government, especially in relation to Umno – a key partner/ally – which already has lost substantial ground (even before the 15th general election).
It can’t be emphasised strongly enough that there’s an indispensable need to focus on wining/wooing back the lost Umno voters – who’ll make a crucial difference in winning Malay-majority seats like Sungai Bakap. Umno as an integral component of the MADANI Government should have a strategic plan to reclaim its estranged voters and members.
On top of that, the MADANI Government also risks eroding the trust and confidence of the Malay-Muslim dominated administrative system/bureaucracy. Needless to say, the votes of civil servants are also critical.
Islamisation – the infusion and inculcation of Islamic values – is well placed under the Prime Minister (an Islamist himself) and the MADANI Government.
However, people need to recognise that the approach has been different from previous administrations. There’s also the assurance/guarantee that it’ll not deviate from and be set within the provisions of the Federal Constitution.
As it is, the MADANI Government bears that burden and mission for countering political and ethno-religious extremism with the correct interpretation, understanding, practice and implementation of the official religion of the Federation.
In the final analysis, Malaysia MADANI can only comprise of two halves or lungs – moderate conservative and moderate progressive. The one can’t exist without the other.
Only both moderate grounds/stances (wasatiyyah) can give adequate expression to Malaysia MADANI.
As such, to undo the long-term impact entrenched by the fourth Prime Minister, we’re all in this together for the long-haul.
Recall that the urbanites helped to give the fourth Prime Minister a strong mandate in the 1982, 1995 and 1999 general elections (e.g., see, “The 1982 General Elections in Malaysia: A Mandate for Change?”, Diane K Mauzy, Asian Survey, vol. 23, no. 4).
Moving forward, the MADANI Government can’t afford to allow its Islamic credentials to be diluted.
The grouses over the diesel subsidy rationalisation are another illustrative example.
There’s absolutely no justification or excuse whatsoever for any price hikes (EMIR Research article, “Subsidy rationalisation, rents and inflation”, July 4, 2024) except those that routinely occur due to the expected fluctuations such as seasonal factors.
Actors/players who go ahead and increase prices whilst citing the diesel subsidy rationalisation as the “reason” are simply committing an act of economic sabotage.
As it is, the MADANI Government is providing cash assistance to non-business users (privately-owned vehicles) together with small time planters/farmers under the Budi MADANI scheme and fleet card subsidy for public and goods transport business users.
As for the sub-categories excluded such as most prominently the tipper lorry operators (transporting cement, sand and other raw materials for construction), these price hikes relate to non-basic/non-essential goods and services that’re ultimately (i.e., in reference to the end point/terminal in the supply-chain – as borne by the consumer) deferred to the future, e.g., in the form of a completed housing project, as the final price.
Such intertemporal effects are still consistent with medium-term (to long-term) price stability (and inflationary impact).
Again, there’s simply no justification for the price hikes, i.e., in the current/pre-existing spending rounds which immediately and finally affects consumers (individual, household) as the “end-users” in the supply chain (which is where the cascading effects stops).
To re-emphasise, price increases for goods and services which affects the present purchasing power of consumers constitute an act of economic sabotage and is simply selfish and myopic.
Now, that the Prime Minister has been subject to trenchant and intense excoriation/vilification/scorn with impunity as notably exemplified in social media not only from erstwhile Pakatan Harapan hopefuls but also by antagonists outside the coalition and, by extension, the unity government is precisely because he’s seen as a “weak target”.
Contrast this with Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad during his first term in office.
Back then, Tun Dr Mahathir “ruled” with an iron fist as ever so memorably embodied by his use of the draconian Internal Security Act or ISA (for those old enough to know and remember) even as he was never the orator and firebrand like the Prime Minister.
At the risk of oversimplification, it can’t be denied that Tun Dr Mahathir did strike fear in the hearts of many due to his authoritarian character.
Hence, the contrast between Tun Dr Mahathir and the Prime Minister can’t be more thrown into sharp relief.
The open and amiable persona of the Prime Minister makes him susceptible to unbridled disparagement from detractors.
It’s supremely ironic that an oft-repeated claims by Opposition detractors is that the Prime Minister engages in vindictive/revenge politics, which in and of itself reflects a certain vindictiveness. This is especially so since the detractors themselves were once comrade-in-arms – as coalition partners and allies.
If this were so, why would the Prime Minister who’s also the First Finance Minister disbursed RM230 million in ex gratia/goodwill (wang ehsan) grants (i.e., over and beyond that provided for under the Federal Constitution) to Kelantan (RM58.6 million) and Terengganu (RM172.3 million + RM103.1 million for the state government’s obligations to its contractors) as reported in early April this year, just to take one example?
Knowing Kelantan’s outstanding and perennial water woes, the federal government also allocated a RM69.18 million grant to the state government under the National Non-Revenue Water (NRW) Programme (Approach 1). The initiative aimed at reducing Kelantan’s NRW rate, which stood at a staggering 54.5 per cent in 2023.
The federal government is also committed to working with the Kedah state government to resolve its own water issues – by ensuring that the five water treatment plants (WTPs) are completed on schedule. These projects will enhance supply capacity and increase revenue especially in relation to cross-border provision to neighbouring Penang.
As for the Opposition’s complaint that they aren’t provided constituency allocations/funds, the Prime Minister has repeatedly requested for negotiations to be done collectively or en bloc (which should suit the interests and convenience of the Opposition Members of Parliament).
During Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) time on July 9, he reiterated that “[this has been] explained … many times, yet I am still chastised. All allocations to Opposition members … are facilitated through negotiations. There are no conditions like needing to support [me]. I have never done this [sic]” (“Anwar urges Opposition to negotiate for allocations collectively”, The Star, July 9, 2024).
The MADANI Government must continue to hold its nerve and the line. And ignore the naysayers.
It’s on the right track.
The transition away from excessive and unproductive subsidies while still providing targeted assistance, the intensifying of fiscal consolidation efforts and redirecting funds (taxes, borrowings) towards strategic, productive and long-term deployments to increase supply-chain resilience (e.g., National Semiconductor Strategy/NSS), boost renewable energy and green technology capabilities and investments (e.g., Hydrogen Economy and Technology Roadmap/HETR – in support of the National Energy Policy 2022-2040 and complementing the National Energy Transition Roadmap/NTER) and bolster food security (e.g., People’s Income Initiative/IPR) are just some policy examples that the MADANI Government has been vigorously implementing.
Keep calm and continue with the vital work of change and reforms!
Jason Loh Seong Wei is Head of Social, Law & Human Rights at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focussed on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.
